Youth, violence and public policy

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In the early 1990’s, Medellin had its highest homicide rates in history: 400 homicides per 100.000 habitants (1991). For what I have spoken to Carlos* (fantasy name), his age didn’t exceed 10 by then. “I lived and still live in the city’s poor comunas”. At that moment, the local and national State’s answer was the implementation of a shock program, which, recognizing the State’s absence, took actions intended to promote social care and violence prevention. The Program was entitled Counseling Chair for Medellin and had a component dedicated to youth and adolescents, another one dedicated to the access to justice, something about social infrastructure, among others. This Program lasted years and somehow contributed to the violence reduction, because the homicide rates dropped by half (of course not all attributable to this, there was also DDR processes and an activation of citizen participation).

While the program was being implemented in the city, Carlos was growing up and, at the age of 12, joined a “pillería” (an elementary starting way to engage in armed groups, dedicated to petty thefts, sale and transport of weapons and drugs, among others). “I studied until third grade. When I turned 18 I was arrested and because of my age I was sent to an adult prison. In prison I contacted many people from other city sectors and combos because that is why jail serves for. That was the first time I went to jail. For six years, since 12 years of age, I was involved in armed groups. Of course that in order to spend my time in there, I played sports and soon I became an instructor and I had a tremendous physical. And I also met a gentleman of the Heroes of Granada Bloc of the AUC."

Before the presidential Program for Medellin ended, the city of Medellin had designed two programs: the Peace Advisory and Life for All. The latter one sought to approach youth to the public forces and justice. Born in 1994, it lasted 5 years. Among its actions and achievements it is highlighted the approach to youth groups and the organization of neighborhood living processes. But as the presidential, it was a program of shock, of contention, in a very short period. This period coincides with the emergence and territorial control by armed groups, much like the groups in Rio de Janeiro, which, years later, became the basis of paramilitaries in the city. That is to say of a counterinsurgent project and dirty war against the social and human rights organizations.

The Peace Counseling, also born in 1994 and sought of an rapprochement with groups and areas of armed violence, that is to say to groups that did not have a political nature as the militias had (opposed to Rio, militias in Colombia, with groups fighting the state) or the guerrillas. Their strategy was to get closer to this groups and youth to search for non-repressive alternatives to demobilize them, disarm and reinsert (ddr). The Counseling was transformed in 2004 when it was converted into the Office for Peace and Reconciliation. Between 1999 and 2004, the paramilitary project was implanted and consolidated, supported on the structures of criminal gangs that existed and each controlled its own territory and also lived their own confrontation for those territories.

"In those years, I was in jail as I said. I got out of jail in 2004 (at age 24) and the United Self-Defense of Colombia (paramilitary group name) wes already in my neighborhood and in the comunas (favelas/slums)."

In July 2003, the national government finalized a negotiation process with the AUC and in November 2003 the first group in Medellin was demobilized, called Bloque Cacique Nutibara, but there were still other groups.

"They told me that I either camellara (worked) with them or I would have to leave the neighborhood. I had respect for them and, besides, they had taken my mother's house, occupied it as if it was theirs to do all their things, same as they did with so many houses. A few days out of prison I got a brother-in-law and told him the story of the house. He immediately put me in contact with a paramilitary leader. This proved to be the man who I met in prison and then I was returned my home.... But the condition was that I had to work with them, or instead I should leave the neighborhood. I decided then to be a collaborator and later I played patrolling and watch on the streets. "

"My boss was demobilized in 2005 with the Bloque Héroes de Granada, but I did not because I was not bandereado (that meant that I didn’t have any conflict with the law, although many people knew me). Of course this was a deal with the paramilitary group, because the idea was to demobilize the most useless in the group, but less to those who had some experience. "

"Then I had another boss, but some other man of the group suggested that we should kill the one in charge so that he would become the boss. Of course this one is now in jail and there’s another command, but it's not like a paramilitary group anymore, but as an office, as a group that is making turns, crosses”.

Back in 2007, I was caught with a fierro (firearm), for a problem we had with a group of other clay, but I left very soon after that.

"So this year I decided to get involved with a program of the municipality at the suggestion of a man who was a hard one, and had been demobilized with the Bloque Héroes de Granada, although he remained on his own. This man invited us to join a program called Youth at Risk that is developed by the Office of Peace and Reconciliation. At first we got some pelados (youth and adolescents) to test the program. As it worked well, I decided to get involved. Counting with me, we're something like 60 people. Since that day I did not commit any crimes. I finished high school and I worked with the program, which gives me money to live, but I also have a business. Now I spend time with my family, which consists of my wife and my son; and I would like to continue working as a sports instructor."

The Program for Peace and Reconciliation was established in 2004 as the first challenge to attend all demobilized paramilitaries and other groups. It recognizes the wisdom of wanting to have a more holistic care (education and schooling, psychosocial, work with community, and financial remuneration). Between 15% and 20% of these got back to the armed groups. Many others have succeeded like Carlos in rebuilding their lives and seize the opportunity. Other young people, who had been in armed groups, argue that the policies give priority to armed youth. And this is perhaps the controversial topic of the problem. And it is not about not making social policies to the youth at risk or involved in armed groups. This is not the core and that the majority of teenagers and young people can enjoy their rights.

Although this program exceeds other programs in size, investment and time, many analysts note that this is still about shock and containment. In fact, in 2009 the homicide rate in Medellin will reached 100 homicides per 100.000 habitants, though in recent years had been in 37.

Meanwhile, Carlos continues his life. "I sleep more easily. I'm not afraid of retaliation, because there are people from other groups in the program, so the barriers were broken down. In the program I receive psychosocial care, additionally performed a community service on issues of neighborhood cleanup. With us there are people over 18 years and there are some women. "

The upturn in violence in the city of Medellin, has made the City of Medellin take action; and one of them was the revision of the Youth at Risk program that is now called Youth Force.